Netanyahu's Strategy Backfires, Paving Way for Eisenkot Government
Translated & summarized from Maariv by baba
Benjamin Netanyahu's divisive speech has backfired, potentially boosting Arab voter turnout and weakening his own coalition prospects, while pushing parties like United Torah Judaism to consider concessions for a Gadi Eisenkot-led government. Avigdor Lieberman is actively working to prevent Netanyahu's return, supporting temporary agreements on conscription to enable Eisenkot to form a government. New elections pose risks for multiple parties, including Naftali Bennett, Yair Golan, and United Torah Judaism, who prefer a stable government or temporary arrangements.
The story in 5 lines · by baba
- Benjamin Netanyahu's election-style speech backfired, potentially increasing Arab voter turnout and hindering his coalition efforts.
- Gadi Eisenkot is highly motivated to form a government, facing a narrow path with potential concessions.
- Avigdor Lieberman is actively facilitating negotiations to prevent Netanyahu's return to power.
- United Torah Judaism may agree to discuss conscription exemption after a government is formed.
- New elections pose significant risks for Naftali Bennett, Yair Golan, and United Torah Judaism.
Benjamin Netanyahu's recent election-style speech, intended to prevent Gadi Eisenkot from forming a government, has instead backfired, potentially galvanizing Arab voters and diminishing his own chances of forming a coalition. The former prime minister, accustomed to controlled media environments, failed to recognize the shift in the political landscape, opting for divisive rhetoric that alienated potential partners.
Netanyahu's strategy aimed to persuade United Torah Judaism to delay negotiations with Eisenkot and buy time for Netanyahu to secure a mandate to form a government, possibly by encouraging defections. However, by explicitly closing the door on a "broad government," he has presented United Torah Judaism with a stark choice: an Eisenkot government or new elections. This has prompted the party to agree to discuss a conscription exemption law only after a government is formed, a move influenced by Netanyahu's speech and legal advice that only a government can propose such legislation.
Eisenkot, who is highly motivated to avoid elections, faces a narrow path to forming a government. He is reportedly willing to make significant concessions, including potentially offering the finance minister portfolio to a future defector from the Likud. Avigdor Lieberman, despite being perceived as an adversary by the ultra-Orthodox, is actively involved in facilitating negotiations, even removing his veto and supporting temporary agreements on the conscription issue, aiming to prevent Netanyahu's return to power.
Lieberman's primary goal is to prevent what he calls the "destruction of the Third Temple" by removing Netanyahu from leadership. While not seeking the premiership himself, he is positioned as a key player, potentially choosing the defense portfolio. He is strongly opposed to new elections, fearing his party, Yisrael Beiteinu, would be punished by voters for perceived concessions on the equal burden of service.
Other parties also face significant risks with new elections. Naftali Bennett might reclaim leadership of his bloc and draw votes from Yisrael Beiteinu and other parties, provided the failure to form a government is not attributed to him. Yair Golan's party might strengthen but still struggle to join a future government. United Torah Judaism also fears new elections, preferring a temporary arrangement with the prospect of future legislation on conscription, though they acknowledge the difficulty of defending such laws in the High Court and the risk of coalition collapse.
Mentioned
