Arab Parties' 19 Seats Test Political Partnership in Israel

Arab parties holding 19 seats in the Knesset are presenting a political challenge to the "change bloc" seeking to oust Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. After recommending Gadi Eisenkot to form a government, these parties are testing whether the opposition will accept them as genuine political partners or merely utilize their parliamentary support without granting them influence in decision-making. This situation is highlighted during the anniversary of Yitzhak Rabin's assassination, who in 1992 recognized the importance of Arab parliamentary backing, even from outside his coalition.

The recent elections have created a new political reality, with all Arab lawmakers recommending Eisenkot. This move signals the Arab parties' desire to move beyond the political periphery and participate in governance. However, it places Eisenkot in a critical position: will he view this as an opening for a true political partnership, or will he only leverage it for government formation and ending Netanyahu's tenure?

Drawing a parallel to Rabin's experience in 1992, the article notes that while Rabin did not officially include Arab parties in his government, he relied on their external parliamentary support, which provided a crucial safety net. He understood their parliamentary weight, even if they were not in the coalition. Today, despite a larger Arab representation, some leaders in the change bloc reportedly reject any understanding with Arab parties, even outside a coalition. This raises questions about the nature of the "change" being proposed if a significant elected force is excluded from shaping it.

The article points to Avigdor Lieberman's stance as an example of this duality, showing flexibility towards potential cooperation with Haredi parties while firmly rejecting engagement with Arab parties. The author questions why cooperation with Haredi parties is negotiable while discussions with Arab parties are shut down preemptively. The presence of an Arab Knesset member within Lieberman's party is deemed insufficient to equate to recognizing the legitimacy and independent negotiating rights of elected Arab parties.

Eisenkot's 67 recommendations do not automatically guarantee a majority, but they impose a political responsibility. The Arab parties have clearly stated their position, and now Eisenkot must clarify his: does he see them as a viable political force for partnership, or does he only want their recommendations without acknowledging their right to influence policy?

The responsibility also lies with the Arab parties to move beyond merely offering recommendations. With 19 seats, they are urged to adopt a proactive approach, formulating a unified negotiation strategy. This strategy should link any parliamentary support to concrete demands regarding equality, budgets, crime prevention, personal security, planning and construction, and civil and collective national rights for Arab citizens.

The legacy of Rabin's assassination prompts a direct question: does the change bloc seek to utilize Arab parliamentary power as Rabin did, or do they want Arab votes without recognizing their right to partnership? Eisenkot, Lieberman, and other change bloc leaders must define their positions and criteria. Simultaneously, Arab parties must understand that recommendations are not the end of their role, and any support must be contingent on specific demands and actionable political guarantees. The principle is clear: demanding a majority from Arab parties necessitates granting them a say in policy and decision-making. Their 19 seats should not become a mere electoral asset to be exploited and then disregarded when power is distributed.

Ending Netanyahu's era alone does not constitute political change. The true test lies in whether the next government will recognize Arab citizens and their representatives as legitimate stakeholders in governance or continue to treat them as a bloc needed for a majority but not as partners in directing the country's path. Those seeking to change the rules of governance must also accept changes in the rules of partnership. Arab parties are called upon to leverage their 19 seats for genuine political presence, rather than passively seeking recognition. Partnership, the article concludes, is not a gift but is built on representation, rights, and mutual responsibility.