Jewish Philology: More Than Mere Interpreters

The act of translation within Jewish tradition has historically been a complex endeavor, extending far beyond simple linguistic transfer. In 1924, Franz Rosenzweig, despite severe illness, translated hymns by the medieval poet Jehuda Halevi into German. Rosenzweig viewed translation as serving two masters, making it an inherently challenging but universal task. Centuries earlier, Jehuda ibn Tibbon translated Halevi's philosophical work, the Kuzari, from Arabic to Hebrew in southern France to make it accessible to those who didn't read Arabic.

Jewish translation has a long and often debated history. The Talmud describes the Septuagint's translation of the Torah into Greek by 72 scholars as miraculous, while a later tractate views it as a sin akin to the Golden Calf, arguing the Torah cannot be adequately translated. Ancient synagogues had a role called the "Meturgeman" who translated readings into Aramaic, with rabbinic rules stipulating the reader and translator be different people and the translator not to read directly from a text, emphasizing a desired transmission but maintaining the sanctity of the original.

The medieval period saw a flourishing of Jewish translation, particularly after the Almohads expelled Jews from al-Andalus. Many fled to Provence, where Arabic was not widely read. Jehuda ibn Tibbon was commissioned to translate works into Hebrew, establishing a dynasty of translators who rendered Jewish philosophical heritage into Hebrew. His son, Samuel, translated Maimonides' "Guide for the Perplexed," corresponding with Maimonides himself, who advised translating for clarity in the new language rather than word-for-word. This process also led to the creation of new Hebrew vocabulary for scientific terms, often through loanwords and biblical roots, forming a philosophical Hebrew that became a standard.

While some scholars, like Moritz Steinschneider in his 1893 work "Die hebräischen Übersetzungen des Mittelalters und die Juden als Dolmetscher," initially portrayed Jews primarily as conduits of Arab knowledge to Europe, more recent research highlights the originality and interpretive role of Jewish translators. Gersonides, for instance, engaged in original philosophy while commenting on Averroes' works. In a reversal, Jehuda Romano translated Thomas Aquinas from Latin into Hebrew, demonstrating translation as a form of personal interpretation.

The influence of translation is also seen in Ladino (Judaeo-Spanish), which evolved from word-for-word translations of Hebrew texts into Spanish, creating a distinct language with Spanish words and Hebrew syntax. The Ferrara Bible of 1553 aided Conversos returning to Judaism, and a 1547 Pentateuch printed in Hebrew, Aramaic, Judaeo-Spanish, and Judaeo-Greek symbolized the diaspora's linguistic diversity. Later, Martin Buber and Franz Rosenzweig's German translation of the Bible aimed not to assimilate Hebrew into German but to open German to Hebrew's rhythm and roots, exemplified by their rendering of "tohu wa-bohu" as "Irrsal und Wirrsal." Buber completed this work after Rosenzweig's death, and Gershom Scholem later reflected that the translation, intended as a gift to Germans, had become a memorial to a tragically ended relationship.

Jewish translators were never mere intermediaries; they navigated between preserving and creating knowledge. Today, translation is used to preserve Ladino, with works like "The Little Prince" being translated into it. The article concludes that serving two masters, as translators do, means belonging fully to neither, perhaps embodying a unique calling within this history of translation.