Haredi Leadership Missed Chance for Integration Post-Oct. 7
Translated & summarized from TheMarker by baba
Efforts to integrate Haredi men into Israeli society have seen limited success, with employment rates stagnating. Following the October 7th attacks, Haredi leaders missed a chance to encourage national service among those not studying Torah, instead focusing on exemptions. This failure to provide legitimacy for alternative paths in education and employment hinders economic growth and individual opportunities. A new political movement aims to offer a Haredi representation that supports these integration efforts.
The story in 5 lines · by baba
- Haredi employment rates for men have stagnated around 53%-55% for a decade.
- October 7th presented a missed opportunity for Haredi leaders to encourage national service.
- Haredi political leaders focused on exemptions rather than promoting integration post-Oct. 7.
- Lack of community legitimacy hinders Haredi men's participation in education and employment.
- A new Haredi party seeks to legitimize service, education, and employment paths.
For years, efforts have been made to integrate Haredi men into employment, higher education, and military service, involving hundreds of millions of shekels in investments. While progress has been made, the employment rate for Haredi men has stagnated around 53%-55% for a decade, and while Haredi student numbers have grown, 68% are women, indicating slow change for men.
The October 7th Hamas attacks marked a turning point for Itzik Krombi, director of employment and innovation centers for the Haredi sector, shifting the focus from mere integration to a deeper question of Haredi responsibility towards Israeli society. He notes a significant initial Haredi mobilization in volunteer efforts but argues that political leaders like Arie Deri, Moshe Gafni, and Yitzhak Goldknopf missed a historic opportunity.
Krombi believes these leaders could have stated that while preserving Torah study is paramount, those not engaged in it should participate in national service. Instead, the political leadership of Shas and United Torah Judaism focused on quotas and exemptions. Krombi views this as a missed opportunity for Haredi conscription and a manifestation of the tension between preserving existing power structures controlled by Haredi officials and opening new avenues for young Haredi men.
He argues that individuals choosing professions, academia, or service need community legitimacy and support systems, which are currently lacking. This absence hinders the impact of public investment and affects families and the economy. Krombi asserts that Haredi identity, based on separation, does not necessitate abstaining from employment, education, or military service, citing personal family experience.
Krombi proposes that it's possible to support traditional Torah study while simultaneously allowing parents to choose state-Haredi education for their children, supporting yeshivas alongside Haredi preparatory programs and service tracks for non-students. He suggests creating clear pathways for service, education, and employment for those not dedicated to full-time Torah study. The emergence of Moti Lightner's "Haredi Public" party is seen as a political test for a conservative Haredi representation that legitimizes these alternative paths.
Ultimately, Krombi concludes that expanding individual opportunities is insufficient. A leadership that legitimizes these alternative paths is crucial for public investment to reach its full potential, framing the issue as both an identity debate and an economic one concerning opportunities, income, and growth.
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