Hungary's Democratic Rebirth Offers Hope for Israel

Pro-democracy activists in Israel and Hungary have been collaborating for nearly a year, learning from each other's struggles against populism and seeking ways to reverse authoritarian trends. The author, visiting Hungary six months after the electoral defeat of Viktor Orbán, who had been in power for 16 years, explored the parallels and differences between the two countries. Many in Hungary had believed Orbán's rule was unassailable, with democratic activists estimating it would take 10 to 15 years to effect change and focusing on educating the next generation.

At the "Budapest Forum," an annual conference on liberal democracy and populism, a palpable sense of elation was evident among speakers and attendees. Activists shared stories of long, arduous political work that seemed futile but ultimately prepared them for a sudden opportunity for change. The reasons for Orbán's defeat remain unclear, but participants suggested that years of dedicated effort to maintain a culture of democratic participation and criticism, coupled with the right opposition leader, led to the collapse of his seemingly solid regime.

Budapest Mayor declared, "My friends, it’s over," echoing the sentiment that Hungarians had successfully altered their historical trajectory. Speakers emphasized to international partners that populist movements are not deterministic and that change is possible. While the democratic camp decisively won the recent elections, the left remains unrepresented in parliament, with its political presence largely confined to Budapest.

Six months post-election, Hungary's democratic landscape presents a mixed picture. Positive developments include a more independent judiciary, increased media freedom, arrests of former ministers suspected of corruption, and the repeal of laws restricting the exposure of minors to content about sexual orientation or gender identity. However, appointment processes remain largely populist, judicial appointments are personal and opaque, and the process of drafting a new constitution is slow. The repeal of anti-democratic laws is progressing slowly, raising concerns it may be incomplete.

Péter Magyar, the new Prime Minister, was elected through direct communication channels with voters, with limited support from Hungary's civil society, which was severely weakened under Orbán. Consequently, dialogue between Magyar and civil society groups remains restricted. The process of re-democratization is delicate and complex, carrying risks of retribution and increased polarization.

Hungary offers an encouraging example of achieving democratic results, yet Orbán's removal does not fully address the broader crisis of liberal democracy. Questions persist about how to genuinely improve citizens' lives through democracy, ensure their voices are heard, build consistent political presence in peripheral areas, and manage rapid, youth-oriented communication. While Hungary has begun limiting prime ministerial terms and rebuilding its judicial system, these steps are insufficient. The author notes that while Israel faces ongoing occupation and conflict, Hungary's experience demonstrates that rapid, surprising change is possible when dedicated citizens maintain political awareness and are ready to mobilize.