Ultra-Orthodox Education Debate: Integration or Segregation?
Translated & summarized from Mignews by baba
Israeli media expresses alarm over the rising enrollment in ultra-Orthodox schools, but an opinion piece argues the real concern is the poor quality of secular education, not birthrates. The author criticizes proposed punitive measures against Haredi schools, advocating instead for incentives to teach secular subjects and greater societal integration. While acknowledging challenges and Haredi protests against conscription laws, the piece suggests a need for systemic change to foster integration and prevent societal division.
The story in 6 lines · by baba
- The author argues the real problem with Haredi education is the lack of secular subjects, not enrollment numbers.
- Proposed solutions like defunding Haredi schools are deemed ineffective and counterproductive.
- Haredi Jews abroad integrate and work, unlike the behavior of some in Israel, due to permissive policies.
- Younger Haredim are increasingly seeking integration through education, work, and military service.
- The government is urged to uphold the conscription law despite Haredi protests and political pressure.
- Investing in Haredi integration through job training and secular education is crucial for societal cohesion.
Israeli media is raising alarms that by 2030, ultra-Orthodox schools may enroll more first-graders than public schools, a prospect framed with panic. The author argues this narrative, particularly when tied to upcoming elections and calls to vote against right-wing blocs perceived as yielding to Haredi demands, is misleading.
The core issue, according to the author, is not the high birthrate among Haredim, which is beyond state control and arguably not a cause for concern, nor the expansion of their schools. Instead, the real problem is the inadequate or absent teaching of secular subjects like mathematics and sciences in many Haredi institutions, leading to difficulties for graduates in the job market. The author criticizes proposed solutions like defunding schools that don't teach secular subjects, suggesting instead that incentivizing the teaching of these subjects would be more effective, despite the financial cost.
The article contends that punitive measures against Haredi schools would be ineffective, as families would not transfer children to public schools and institutions would find alternative funding. Such actions, it argues, would only foster resentment and reinforce the perception of a hostile secular state.
Furthermore, the author challenges the generalization that Haredim do not work or serve in the military, pointing out that Haredi Jews abroad integrate, work, pay taxes, and fulfill civic duties without compromising their religious observance. The behavior of some Israeli Haredim is attributed to a long-standing, permissive policy that allows them to exploit benefits and demand concessions.
However, the author notes positive shifts, including a globalized world making isolated communities harder to maintain and a trend of younger Haredim leaving the insular lifestyle for education, work, and military service. The recently passed, though poorly implemented, conscription law is seen as a step forward, and the author urges the government to uphold it despite Haredi protests and attempts to undermine it.
The piece concludes that while a government committed to this firm stance is unlikely in the current political climate, where coalition agreements often override principles, systemic reform is needed. Alternatively, investing in Haredi integration through job training and subsidizing secular education in religious schools is presented as a path to prevent societal division and ensure Haredim become an integrated part of Israeli society, rather than a burden or a source of conflict.
