Ultra-Orthodox Political Loyalty to Netanyahu Ends in Failure, Reevaluation Urged
Translated & summarized from Behadrei Haredim by baba
An opinion piece claims that the ultra-Orthodox community's four-year loyalty to Benjamin Netanyahu's right-wing bloc has led to detrimental outcomes, including arrests of yeshiva students and economic hardship. The author argues this strategy has failed to protect Torah institutions and calls for a return to the traditional flexibility of ultra-Orthodox politics. The piece suggests potential tactical opportunities with opposition parties, provided clear legislative guarantees are secured, to advance the community's interests.
The story in 5 lines · by baba
- Ultra-Orthodox political loyalty to Benjamin Netanyahu's bloc has failed to protect their interests over the past four years.
- The community has faced conscription orders for yeshiva students and economic difficulties, contrary to expectations.
- The article contrasts current loyalty with past pragmatic alliances made by religious leaders with various political factions.
- A tactical opportunity may exist with opposition parties seeking to form a government, who may offer concessions.
- The author urges a return to flexibility and independence in ultra-Orthodox politics to secure community interests.
An opinion piece argues that the ultra-Orthodox community's unwavering political loyalty to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and the right-wing bloc over the past four years has resulted in significant setbacks for their core interests. The author contends that instead of the expected protection and prosperity for Torah scholars, the community has faced conscription orders for yeshiva students, economic hardships, and a sense of being exploited.
The article criticizes the notion of "natural partners" in Israeli politics, particularly concerning the ultra-Orthodox parties' alignment with Netanyahu. It asserts that while ultra-Orthodox representatives demonstrated strict discipline within the bloc, the world of Torah study has suffered unprecedented damage. The traditional status quo has eroded, the standing of yeshiva students has reached historic lows, and for the first time, arrests targeting Torah learners threaten their ability to study.
They prioritized the well-being of Torah institutions and were willing to negotiate with any political faction to achieve this goal. The article cites the Shas party's participation in Yitzhak Rabin's government and its subsequent cooperation with Ehud Barak and Ariel Sharon as examples of pragmatic alliances that yielded significant gains for the ultra-Orthodox community.
Looking forward, the piece suggests that the current political landscape presents a tactical opportunity for the ultra-Orthodox. It posits that parties seeking to form a government, often referred to as the "change bloc," are dependent on ultra-Orthodox support and may be more willing to make concessions. The author proposes that achieving goals such as a regulated conscription law, halting arrests, and securing education budgets could be more feasible with these potential partners, emphasizing that such engagement should not imply adopting their worldview but rather a practical focus on ultra-Orthodox welfare.
However, the article cautions against naivete, acknowledging the complex history between some "change bloc" parties and the ultra-Orthodox community. It stresses the need for concrete legislative guarantees and legal arrangements, rather than relying on verbal promises. Ultimately, the piece calls for a strategic shift away from absolute loyalty to one bloc, advocating for a return to the traditional strength of ultra-Orthodox politics: flexibility, independence, and the ability to negotiate from a position of power with all sides to ensure the future of Torah study and the community's well-being.
