Eisenkot Faces Dilemma Over Arab Party Support for Government
Translated & summarized from Behadrei Haredim by baba
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu warned that Gadi Eisenkot would form a government with Arab parties, but Eisenkot faces significant political challenges if he relies on their support. Passing legislation, especially on security or settlement issues, could prove difficult, as seen in the 2022 Bennett government's struggles. A potential collapse of such a coalition could cost Eisenkot electoral support. He is now considering alternatives like a unity government or agreements with Haredi parties.
The story in 5 lines · by baba
- Gadi Eisenkot faces political risks forming a government reliant on Arab party support, despite Netanyahu's warnings.
- Legislation on settlements or security could divide Eisenkot's potential coalition, mirroring the 2022 Bennett government's failure.
- A government collapse due to disagreements could cost Eisenkot crucial voter support in future elections.
- Eisenkot's alternatives include a unity government with Netanyahu or agreements with Haredi parties.
- Netanyahu's warnings about Eisenkot partnering with Arab parties are countered by Eisenkot's own electoral considerations.
Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu repeatedly warned during the election campaign that Gadi Eisenkot, chairman of the National Unity Party, would form a government with Arab parties. However, with the elections concluded, there are reasons to doubt this possibility, not only due to Eisenkot's own promises but primarily because of the potential political cost.
Eisenkot has stated that the Ra'am party will not be part of his government unless it meets his conditions. Potential partners like Naftali Bennett and Avigdor Lieberman also ruled out coalition partnerships with Arab parties before the elections. If Eisenkot were to proceed, his bloc has 48 mandates, and Arab parties have 19, totaling 67 mandates, theoretically enough for a stable government.
The main challenge would arise when passing legislation. If a law concerning settlements in Judea and Samaria or a security decision opposed by Arab parties is proposed, Eisenkot would face a choice: abandon the law to maintain the coalition or attempt to pass it without their support. The opposition, led by Netanyahu, could then vote against it to embarrass him.
A similar situation occurred in 2022 when the Bennett government tried to extend regulations for Judea and Samaria. Some coalition members did not support the law, and the opposition voted against it, causing the law to fail and exposing the coalition's instability, ultimately leading to new elections.
If Eisenkot's government faces such a scenario, he would constantly need to gauge his supporting parties' agreement on significant legislation. While not every disagreement collapses a government, and compromises or external support are possible, external backing doesn't guarantee a majority on every vote. Furthermore, Eisenkot must consider the electoral consequences if his government falls due to disagreements, particularly with parties whose stances conflict with his. He risks losing the support of voters who brought him to power if they feel he broke campaign promises.
Eisenkot's alternative options include a unity government with Netanyahu, agreements with Haredi parties, or new elections. Each path involves compromises and presents different challenges than relying on Arab parties. While Netanyahu can continue his warnings, Eisenkot has significant reasons to reconsider, as a failed government could cost him not only his position but also his voter base.
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