Arab Community Faces Pressure for National Service Amidst Political Realignment
Translated & summarized from Panet by baba
A lawyer, Ali Ahmed Haidar, discusses the renewed debate over mandatory civil service for the Arab community in Israel, linked to election conditions set by Gadi Eisenkot. Haidar argues the push for civil service is a political tool to marginalize Arabs and erase Palestinian identity, especially given the context of unequal citizenship and historical grievances. He contrasts this with the Arab community's strong tradition of voluntary work, proposing that local authorities professionalize and expand these initiatives rather than imposing state-mandated service.
The story in 5 lines · by baba
- Lawyer Ali Ahmed Haidar criticizes proposed civil service for Israeli Arabs as a tool for marginalization.
- Gadi Eisenkot set civil service as a condition for Arab parties joining a future government.
- Haidar argues Israel has unequal citizenship, with Arabs receiving conditional rights.
- He contrasts mandatory service with the Arab community's existing voluntary work traditions.
- Haidar proposes local authorities organize and professionalize Arab volunteerism instead.
The current election campaign has revived discussions about imposing civil and national service on the Arab community in Israel. Lawyer Ali Ahmed Haidar notes that some Arab political factions have expressed willingness to participate in civil service. This comes as Gadi Eisenkot, leader of the 'Yesh Atid' party and a candidate for prime minister, has set three conditions for any party seeking to join the next government: recognizing Israel as a Jewish and democratic state, accepting the values of the Declaration of Independence, and committing to the principle of "service for all," encompassing both military and national service for Jews and Arabs alike. Eisenkot has stated that parties not adhering to these conditions will not be partners in his government.
The debate over national service is particularly charged following the October 7th events, the war in Gaza, and the deep polarization within Israeli society, especially concerning the exemption of some Haredi (ultra-Orthodox) groups from military service. Haidar argues that the push for civil service for Arabs occurs within a context of daily incitement against the Arab community, attempts to delegitimize and demonize it, and efforts to exclude it politically. He views the civil service condition as an obstacle to the legitimacy and influence of the Arab voice, an attempt to subjugate the Arab community during a difficult historical period, and a means to erase Palestinian identity and promote the idea that Arabs, by not serving the state, do not deserve full rights.
Haidar points out that proposed civil service projects originated within the Ministry of Defense, with contributions from the National Security Council and under the leadership of former Defense Ministry Director General David Ivri, as an alternative to military service from which Arab citizens have been officially exempted. He emphasizes that the Arab community not only is not called for military service but also historically and nationally opposes it. As long as these projects are framed within a military perspective, lack genuine participation from Arab leadership, and serve state needs rather than the Arab community's, central elements of the Palestinian community in Israel will continue to resist.
The article highlights the concept of unequal citizenship in Israel, distinguishing between a full, unconditional Jewish citizenship and a deficient, conditional Arab citizenship. Haidar argues that demanding civil service without achieving full equality is futile, especially given Israel's self-definition as a Jewish state. He contends that in democracies, rights and freedoms should not be contingent on duties, and that Israel has failed to grant its Arab citizens full rights since 1948, despite their fulfillment of obligations like paying taxes and obeying laws, even as their lands were confiscated and their kin displaced.
Contrasting the situation with the Druze community, who, despite mandatory military service, face worse conditions and fewer rights than many Arab towns, and the Haredim, who perform neither military nor civil service but receive more rights due to their political influence, Haidar suggests that the Arab community's inherent structure supports voluntary work and mutual aid. He differentiates voluntary service, based on will and responsibility, from mandatory service imposed by the state. He proposes that the Arab community can develop its own model of voluntary work, rooted in its needs and values, rather than accepting a state-imposed framework. Haidar suggests that local authorities establish dedicated units for volunteerism to organize and expand existing community initiatives, creating databases of volunteers, connecting them with institutions, and developing programs for youth, the elderly, and those with special needs. He advocates for a unified body of Arab local authorities to coordinate and professionalize these efforts, strengthening community identity and providing volunteers with skills and a sense of purpose.
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