Palestinian Citizens of Israel Face Complex Political Choices Beyond Elections

The Palestinian political landscape within Israel is marked by deep complexities, making simplistic approaches ineffective. Despite widespread desire among Palestinian citizens of Israel to see the current Israeli government fall, and viewing upcoming elections as a primary tool for this, there is no absolute trust in leadership or a belief that elections alone offer salvation. A recent court case involving Sami Abu Shehadeh sparked significant anger and disappointment, prompting discussions about political and leadership performance. However, this discontent has not led to voter apathy; instead, many feel the perceived aggression towards Abu Shehadeh and Arabs generally reinforces the escalating danger and the need to utilize all available means to defend their existence.

A critical reassessment of political stances is deemed urgent, especially as the Balad party, under new leadership, has strengthened its organizational and popular presence despite being outside the Knesset. The paradox lies in the public's desire to oust the government, while acknowledging that any alternative government would not fundamentally differ. The Israeli opposition, regardless of rhetoric, offers no distinct political project for Palestinians or for Arab citizens' equality, at best managing the existing "colonial project" with a more palatable facade. Therefore, voting should be seen not as an endorsement of the system or its alternatives, but largely as an act of self-defense against a growing existential threat. Organized crime, racist incitement, political persecution, restrictions on public space, house demolitions, land confiscation in the Negev, and rising fascist discourse are interconnected elements demanding a reevaluation of the Palestinian position and future.

The arrest of an Israeli university professor accused of planning attacks in Arab towns to drive residents out has caused genuine fear, but is not expected to lead to displacement. The article warns against viewing elections as a substitute for politics, which could perpetuate past illusions that hindered Palestinian political action. Elections are temporary, but the struggle against fascism is ongoing, and governmental changes do not alter the underlying structures that produce colonial, racist, and exclusionary policies. Thus, the electoral battle, while a direct political objective to oust the government, is not a comprehensive political project. The core question remains: what comes after the elections?

Decades of Palestinian political decline and the collapse of the two-state solution have narrowed the discourse for Palestinian citizens of Israel. In the absence of a unified national project, many have sought a place within the Jewish state under various banners like equality and civil rights. The article criticizes adapting to a distorted version of the Southern Islamic Movement's project without challenging the racist and colonial structures defining citizenship. The struggle for daily rights and the use of parliamentary tools are not the problem; the issue arises when these become the ultimate political ceiling, and the fight for equality implicitly accepts the system that perpetuates inequality and atrocities.

Palestinians within Israel are not a migrant minority but part of a people subjected to invasion and displacement, with a segment remaining under internal colonial policies. Intellectual contributions from figures like Ilyas Zarik and Azmi Bishara are highlighted for redefining the nature of Zionist policy as internal colonialism. The current phase, however, transcends this, as events within Israel's pre-1967 borders are inseparable from those in the West Bank, Jerusalem, and Gaza, and the struggle of Palestinians inside Israel is linked to refugees and the future of the entire Palestinian people. Rebuilding a national project requires moving beyond mere improvements in citizenship status. A new national political project is needed, one that transcends elections without necessarily negating them, uniting participants and boycotters, reconnecting Palestinians inside Israel with the rest of their people, and clearly defining the system and the ultimate political goal.

The Joint List, despite its electoral importance, cannot fulfill this role as it is primarily an electoral alliance. A broader political framework is required to organize society, unify energies, build initiatives, and restore agency. This is particularly crucial given global shifts in public opinion and increasing recognition of the Palestinian cause in terms of justice, colonialism, and human rights, presenting an opportunity that Palestinians must leverage with a capable political and popular force. Disagreements over elections, participation, or boycotts are legitimate, but there should be no disagreement that elections are not the end goal and ousting a government does not mean dismantling the system. The real battle begins afterward, shifting from reactive waiting to proactive initiative, from fragmentation to organization, and from defining existence by citizenship to reclaiming a place as part of a people and a cause.