Haredi Law to Freeze Yeshiva Student Arrests Aimed at Messaging, Not Legal Survival
תומצת מתוך Arutz Sheva על ידי baba
Yaakov Hershkowitz explains that the law freezing arrests of draft-dodging yeshiva students was designed to reassure the Haredi public rather than survive Supreme Court challenges. Led by Aryeh Deri, the law aimed to buy time until elections amid recognition it would be struck down. Political pragmatism guides Haredi parties’ alliances, with Shas backing Netanyahu and United Torah Judaism divided.
הידיעה ב-6 שורות · תקציר של baba
- The law to freeze yeshiva student arrests was meant to reassure the Haredi public, not survive court challenges.
- Aryeh Deri led the initiative knowing the law would likely be struck down by the Supreme Court.
- The government did not defend the law in court, signaling its expected invalidation.
- Haredi groups have reduced fear of arrests by preparing students for detention.
- The law aimed to buy time until elections after broader draft reform efforts failed.
- Shas supports Netanyahu, while United Torah Judaism is divided on political alliances.
Yaakov Hershkowitz, the Haredi affairs commentator for Israel Hayom, argues that the recently passed law to freeze arrests of draft-dodging yeshiva students was never intended to withstand Supreme Court scrutiny. Instead, its primary goal was to send a message to the Haredi public that all efforts were being made to protect yeshiva students from arrest. While the Supreme Court deliberated on petitions against the law on Tuesday, Haredi political circles did not expect the legislation to survive judicial review.
Hershkowitz explains that the law emerged after Haredi parties realized that a comprehensive draft reform would not pass in the current Knesset. Rather than pushing for a broad reform, they opted for a temporary measure focused solely on halting arrests. The initiative was led by Shas leader Aryeh Deri, who understood the law's slim chances but prioritized reassuring the Haredi community that maximum effort was underway.
Even within Shas, there was no illusion about the law’s fate; some members openly acknowledged it would be struck down but insisted on trying. The government’s decision not to send a representative to defend the law in court further signaled its expected invalidation. Hershkowitz also notes a shift in the Haredi community’s attitude toward arrests, with groups linked to the Jerusalem Faction preparing yeshiva students to face detention, reducing the fear and deterrent effect compared to previous years.
The original draft law aimed to restore legal status to yeshiva students and reset the system, but even if struck down, it would buy time until elections. Hershkowitz also discusses the political alliances of Haredi parties, noting that while the Haredi public has become more right-wing, political leaders remain pragmatic, aligning with whoever best serves their community’s interests. Shas is expected to continue supporting Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, whereas United Torah Judaism shows internal divisions, with Agudat Yisrael moving away from Netanyahu.
Finally, Hershkowitz touches on the ongoing tension between Aryeh Deri and Chief Rabbi Yitzhak Yosef, rooted in the latter’s failure to be appointed president of the Council of Torah Sages. Despite Rabbi Yosef’s religious stature, his influence over Shas’s political decisions has diminished.
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