מהחזון של הרצל לנסיגה של 2026: לאן נעלמו הנשים?

Israel has fallen to 31st place among OECD countries in female representation, with grim forecasts for the next Knesset. Lawyer Anat Tahon Ashkenazi analyzes the complex journey of women in Israeli politics, from the early pioneers fighting for agricultural work to the breakthroughs in the 1990s and the current barrier posed by Haredi parties. The article contrasts Israel's pioneering status in women's suffrage in 1898 with its current low standing.

In 2026, women's representation in positions of power is alarmingly low. The current Knesset has only about 29 female members out of 120, and the 37th government had only five female ministers, approximately 16% of the total. Israel ranks 31st out of 38 OECD nations in parliamentary female representation. Furthermore, only one government ministry is headed by a permanent female director-general.

The historical context reveals Israel's early progressive stance. In 1898, Theodor Herzl declared women's right to vote and be elected as delegates at the Second Zionist Congress, a move that was globally groundbreaking at the time. However, when this vision was implemented in the Land of Israel, the reality was different. Women were integral to pioneering work but faced resistance to roles beyond traditional domestic ones. Hana Meisel established the "Girls' Farm" in 1911 to train women in agriculture, challenging these norms. Despite the theoretical equality, Zionist institutions in the Land of Israel initially retreated from the Basel Congress decision, denying women the right to vote in 1903 and 1917. Women campaigned tirelessly, leading to a significant achievement in local governance in 1919 when Nehama Pukhachevsky was elected in Rishon LeZion, though she later withdrew due to societal pressure. The "Association of Hebrew Women in the Land of Israel" was founded in 1919, demanding suffrage as a condition for establishing Zionist institutions.

The struggle for representation continued, culminating in the 1920 elections for the first Assembly of Representatives. While the leadership recognized the need for equality, Haredi groups threatened to leave the national organization. A compromise was proposed where men could vote twice, once for themselves and once for their wives, to ensure Haredi households were represented without women voting. Women participated in the 1920 elections, but Haredim held a separate male-only vote, resulting in only 14 women among 314 representatives. Full female participation was achieved in the second Assembly of Representatives elections in 1925, with 25 women (about 12%) among 221 representatives. A month later, full equality in civil and political life was officially declared, though formal equality did not always translate to de facto equality, with some areas like Petah Tikva only recognizing women's suffrage in 1940.

With the establishment of the state in 1948, equality was enshrined in the Declaration of Independence, though only two women were among its 37 signatories. The establishment of religious courts, where equality principles were excluded in marriage and divorce matters, created a lasting legal contradiction. In 1969, Golda Meir became Israel's Prime Minister, the third woman globally to hold such a position. However, Meir did not identify as a feminist, and the 1970s saw little further progress in female representation.

A significant shift occurred in the 1990s with the introduction of primaries in major parties. Women like Limor Livnat pushed for inclusion. The Labor party adopted formal quotas for women in 1992, requiring 25% representation, followed by Likud and Meretz. While initially a stepping stone, these quotas became a "glass ceiling," limiting competition among women rather than fostering broader advancement. Between 1999 and 2013, representation saw a modest increase, peaking at around 30 women in the Knesset, including Tzipi Livni leading a major party. However, the Haredi parties remained an exception, with their bylaws explicitly barring women from being elected. A 2015 petition to the High Court of Justice led Agudat Yisrael to remove the discriminatory clause, but Tahon Ashkenazi notes this was a superficial change, as decisions remain subject to the Council of Torah Sages, and no Haredi women hold positions in these parties today.

Research for the upcoming 2026 elections predicts stagnation, with the number of women in the Knesset expected to remain around 30-31. For the first time in years, no major party is headed by a woman. Significant disparities exist between parties: the Democrats are expected to have nearly 50% female representation, while Likud anticipates only about 13% in realistic slots. Religious Zionist and Ra'am parties show similar low figures, and Haredi parties are expected to have 0% representation. Tahon Ashkenazi concludes that Israel needs to adopt a minimum standard of equality, including a Basic Law protecting this right, and emphasizes the critical role of education in enabling future generations to envision female leadership. The struggle initiated by Herzl continues, with the current goal being to at least avoid regression.