לפני שיהיה מאוחר מידי: ההחלטה שגדי איזנקוט צריך לקבל | סופי רון מוריה
המאמר קורא לגדי איזנקוט להקים ממשלת מיעוט בדחיפות, תוך אזהרה כי כישלון יביא את ישראל לנקודת אל-חזור. המחבר מבקר את נתניהו, סמוטריץ' ובן גביר על הטלת דופי בתוצאות הבחירות, ומצביע על תסריטים אפשריים לטווח הקצר. נטען כי נתניהו פועל לפי כללים שונים משל יריביו, וכי אם יישאר בשלטון יאיץ את הרפורמה המשפטית. המאמר קורא להקמת ממשלת שינוי תוך שבועיים כדי לשמור על ישראל כרפובליקה פרלמנטרית.
הידיעה ב-6 שורות · תקציר של baba
- Gadi Eisenkot must form a minority government urgently to prevent Israel from reaching an irreversible point.
- Benjamin Netanyahu, Smotrich, and Ben-Gvir are criticized for undermining election results, deemed a "real danger."
- The article presents four scenarios, with failure to form a minority government leading to a point of no return.
- Netanyahu is accused of using double standards and past collaborations to maintain power.
- The author warns that Netanyahu will accelerate judicial reform if he remains in power.
- Leaders of the change bloc are urged to form a government within two weeks to save parliamentary democracy.
The article argues that Gadi Eisenkot, as the leader of the change bloc, must act quickly to form a minority government, warning that failure to do so will lead Israel to an irreversible point. The author criticizes Benjamin Netanyahu, Bezalel Smotrich, and Itamar Ben-Gvir for casting doubt on the election results, a move described by the Chairman of the Election Committee, Judge Solberg, as a "real danger." Netanyahu is accused of leading a campaign to undermine the results, despite the head of the Shin Bet assuring that the elections were not compromised and that he would not "let the country burn."
Four short-term scenarios are presented. The first involves Eisenkot forming a minority government of 48 seats against 46, potentially expanding it later. If this fails, and in two other scenarios where a minority government cannot be sworn in, Israel will reach a point of no return. The author contends that Netanyahu, Smotrich, and Ben-Gvir view positions of power not as temporary but as permanent, and that the voter is not the owner but the ruler.
The article highlights Netanyahu's past collaborations with Arab parties, such as with Mansour Abbas in 2021 and Tibi in 2019, to illustrate his pragmatic approach when it suits him, contrasting it with how Eisenkot's potential cooperation with Arab parties is framed as betrayal. It also points out Netanyahu's broken promise regarding Ben-Gvir's ministerial role and the mention of Qatari money as a pretext to question election results.
Netanyahu is said to have prepared two scenarios to deal with potential election results where his bloc might not secure 61 seats: a military operation and an attempt to undermine the results. The Chief of Staff, Eyal Zamir, reportedly prevented the former, while the latter effort is believed to have failed. The author suggests Netanyahu will seek an alternative military operation if needed, potentially closing the narrow political window for the change bloc.
The article criticizes the double standards in Israeli politics, where Netanyahu is allowed to change positions and cooperate with various factions, while his opponents must maintain absolute purity. It warns that if Netanyahu remains in power, he will accelerate his plan for judicial reform to consolidate power, ensuring his rivals have no chance in future elections. The author urges the leaders of the change bloc to form a government within two weeks to preserve Israel as a parliamentary republic and prevent Netanyahu from altering the regime's structure, calling it a last chance that must not be missed.
מוזכרים
לא אותו אירוע: ידיעות אחרות שחולקות עם הידיעה הזו אנשים, מקומות או נושא. רקע, תגובות והמשכים.
