Protest Movement's Disconnect From Israeli Party Politics Analyzed

A broad protest movement against the judicial overhaul in Israel has successfully mobilized a large public and established new organizations, maintaining consistent activity nationwide. While opposition politicians have attended and sometimes spoken at these demonstrations, the movement has largely preserved its independence from political parties. In contrast, pro-coalition movements often maintain closer ties with parties, placing politicians at the center of their events. This distinction persisted even after the October 7th attacks, with hostage rescue protests generally keeping their distance from opposition parties, while government ministers joined protests demanding entry into Rafah.

Sociologist Yaniv Ron-El explains this disconnect as a significant gap between a "very impressive protest movement" and "party politics." He links this to a long-term "hollowing out" of political parties, characterized by weakened branches, local activities, and traditional public connections. However, this decline has not affected all parties equally. While coalition parties have also seen weakened social ties, parties like Shas and Likud still rely on community institutions or networks of activists. Opposition parties, despite their impressive organizational capacity, have a more limited connection to their political counterparts.

Historically, political parties in Israel represented specific social currents, like the Labor party's ties to the Histadrut labor federation and its economic and social institutions. This deep connection extended to education and health, but gradually weakened. Parties were not just electoral vehicles but were anchored in social institutions and communities. Shas is presented as an exception, having built its own social movement and institutions in education and welfare, leveraging political power and government funds to create a social infrastructure that provides ongoing support.

Ron-El contrasts this with movements like the settlement movement, which influenced policy by integrating into existing parties, particularly on the right, without needing its own party. He also differentiates religious and nationalist-populist parties, noting that while Netanyahu politically linked parties like Religious Zionism and Otzma Yehudit, the settlement movement, tied to Bezalel Smotrich's party, is distinct from the urban nationalist-populist movement associated with Itamar Ben-Gvir's Otzma Yehudit. The latter's ideological clarity and perceived authenticity, stemming from its connection to visible institutions, appeal to a public seeking "politics free from politics."

The public's reluctance to engage directly with parties stems from a desire for independence, avoiding internal party conflicts, and emphasizing the fight for regime principles over specific leaders. This separation can facilitate a division of labor between protesters and politicians. However, the difficulty of translating electoral success into consistent political frameworks is evident in the decline of centrist parties like Kadima and Blue and White. Yesh Atid is cited as a counterexample for successfully building a grassroots infrastructure of party activists and local connections.

Ron-El attributes the struggle to maintain party structures partly to a liberal middle-class aversion to "politics, a great aversion to power struggles," and a preference for "professional leadership" focused on managerial skills rather than political representation. This technocratic approach can sideline crucial political questions about who candidates represent and their goals. In contrast, right-wing movements, like the settlement movement, maintain a clearer link between the public and political goals, viewing party activity as integral to advancing their ongoing social projects. This connection fosters continuity, as seen with Shas using its political power to expand its educational and community infrastructure, ensuring sustained public support beyond election cycles.

Despite the distance from parties, the protest movement has built organizational infrastructure used for various purposes, including civilian aid and the hostage crisis after October 7th. Activists from the 2023 protests and the hostage crisis have joined opposition party lists, notably the Democrats, which has shown a more direct connection to the movement. This integration offers a potential for sustained influence, where movements provide activists and public support, and parties advance their goals in government. The next challenge for the protest movement is to transform its civilian strength into lasting political power, capable of influencing policy both within and beyond political parties.