Internal Power Struggle Erupts in Iran Following Supreme Leader Khamenei's Death

Following the grand funeral of Iran's late Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, a fierce internal power struggle is unfolding within the Iranian regime's top echelons. Prominent political figures publicly accuse each other of delusion, betrayal, coup plotting, and manipulation of the new Supreme Leader, Mojtaba Khamenei. A detailed New York Times report, based on interviews with senior Iranian officials and Revolutionary Guards members, reveals a deep rift within the conservative camp itself, rather than between conservatives and reformists as in the past.

One faction, identifying as pragmatic, argues that the regime's survival depends on ending hostilities with the US and opening the economy. The opposing minority of hardliners rejects any concessions to America, including on the nuclear program, believing Iran will strengthen by prolonging conflict. Both sides are secretly vying for the new leader's allegiance to control Iran's political future. Currently, the pragmatic camp, which includes senior Revolutionary Guard generals, Parliament Speaker Mohammad Baqer Qalibaf, President Masoud Pezeshkian, and the Supreme National Security Council head, holds the upper hand. This group pushed for a ceasefire, direct negotiations with US Deputy Secretary Jay D. Evans, and the Trump administration deal despite public opposition.

Hardliners fiercely oppose the negotiations, fearing they could lead to sweeping changes after 47 years of hostility. The conflict has spilled into public view: Qalibaf was cut off during a live state TV broadcast while outlining ceasefire terms, prompting calls to dismiss the hardline-appointed broadcasting chief. Hardliners have held nighttime rallies in Tehran demanding the prosecution and execution of negotiation team members. Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi faced chants of "Death to the compromisers" during a visit to a Shia shrine in Iraq. Some hardliners even speak openly of a coup, with parliament members questioning if one is underway and alleging government conspiracies to keep parliament closed to prevent opposition.

Since the war began, Revolutionary Guard generals have consolidated control and effectively run the country. Deputy Executive Vice President Mohammad Jafar Ghaem Panah recently stated that the new Supreme Leader does not have the final say, questioning the need for parliament and the security council if they only implement his views. The report also details how the deal with Washington was ultimately approved: when Mojtaba Khamenei hesitated, Pezeshkian warned of dire economic conditions and threatened resignation if the agreement was delayed. Simultaneously, Central Bank Governor Abdolnaser Hemmati warned of a severe budget crisis and critical shortages of food and medicine by August if the blockade continued. These warnings tipped the balance.

Mojtaba Khamenei publicly opposed the deal "in principle" but authorized the president to proceed if backed by the Supreme National Security Council, which approved it 12-1. Meanwhile, the new leader remains out of public view since his March appointment, missing key family memorials and possibly his father's funeral on July 9 in Mashhad. Security officials have denied his requests to attend, fearing Israeli assassination attempts or exposure of his location. Tehran political circles question the sustainability of a leadership in hiding. The upcoming days after the funeral will test his authority through sensitive appointments, signaling which faction he supports. "We are witnessing real, tense politics and a battle for the country's future," said Johns Hopkins Iran expert Professor Vali Nasr. "If the pragmatists win, hardliners will be marginalized, and they are fighting to prevent that."